Understaning the Tito-Stalin Split free essay sample

The split between Josip Broz Tito, leader of Yugoslavia, and Joseph Stalin, head of the Soviet Union, is arguably one of the most watershed moments in Soviet history. It was a sign of a rising and powerful Yugoslavia, the first break in the Eastern bloc, and inspired a shift in Soviet policy and political thought. Focusing on the timespan from 1941 to 1948, I claim that, though the break between the two leaders was caused by a variety of factors, the root cause was Stalins prioritizing of foreign relations with the West. Stalins attempts to appease the Western powers went against Titos interests in spreading Yugoslavias influence. This is particularly true regarding Titos involvement in the Greek civil war, and his relations with Albania. It was a shock to Tito, and to the rest of the world, that Stalin decided to placate the West rather than side with Yugoslavia on these matters. We will write a custom essay sample on Understaning the Tito-Stalin Split or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page l However, realistically speaking, the Soviet Union was in no position to provoke the Western world post-World War II. Therefore, it is my thinking that the main source of friction between Stalin and Tito stemmed rom their disagreements in prioritizing good relations with the West. Background Information Leading up to the Tito-Stalin Split: From 1941 to 1948 After Stalins non-aggression pact with Germany fell through in in 1941, the USSR was pushed into the camp of the Western allies. In the April of that year, the Axis powers invaded Yugoslavia. Thus, the Yugoslav Partisan resistance, led by Marshal Tito, was left to defend the nation. The Yugoslav Partisans were extremely successful at liberating their country, especially when compared to other resistance movements in Europe,2 as the Red Army only arrived after most of the fighting had already been done. The arrival of the Soviet mission after two and a half years of delay turned out to be something of an anticlimax, and Tito himself considered the belated deployment as excess baggage. 3 Nevertheless, Yugoslav and Soviet troops together forced the Nazis to retreat behind the Yugoslav borders in 1944. The following year, the old Yugoslav monarchy was abolished, and in 1946, with Tito as its dictator, the Yugoslavs carried through their own Communist revolution,4 and did so without any help from the Soviet Union. Because of this, Titos prestige stood very high among Communists and left-wing sympathizers in Yugoslavia and throughout the world. This prestige gained Tito much loyalty and legitimacy from his supporters and would be key in making his split with Stalin possible. However, Yugoslavias communist revolution upset the agreement Stalin had made with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill in 1944. They had agreed that control over Yugoslavia would be split fifty- fifty between Britain and the USSR. Now, it was the start of the Cold War, and Yugoslavia was 100 percent on the side of the Soviet Union. For this reason, Tito was een in Britain and the United States as the most hostile and pro-Soviet of all the Communist dictators in Eastern Europe, and consequently, Just by establishing communism in Yugoslavia, was already causing some problems for Stalin. Stalin wasnt a fan of either because these issues were extremely provoking of Western involvement, something he wished to avoid. More details on the happenings are provided later on in my Evidence section, as I tie their relevance back to my thesis. In the end, Tito and Stalin broke apart because of these issues, and In 1948, the Soviet leadership expelled Yugoslavia from Cominform. 9 Official correspondence between the Soviet Party and Tito declared that the USSR cannot consider such a Communist party organization to be Marxist-Leninist, Bolshevik. 0 This provided the USSR with a rationale to cut off relations with Yugoslavia. However, these accusations had little truth to them. Ideology became an instrument of pressure and attack, a means of bargaining and Jockeying for power in Yugoslav-Soviet relations,11 whereas in actuality, The basis of the critical analysis of the Stalinist system undertaken by Titos ideological specialists, only came about a year or so after Yugoslavias expu lsion from the Cominform in 1948. 12 Thus, it was only after the split that the Yugoslav leaders set on a new path, which rejected the Soviet system and developed a new ind of socialism. 13 Literature Review: The Revisionists and the Traditionalists of the Stalin-Tito Split Though its difficult to place blame solely on either Tito or Stalin for their split, historians generally sway their opinions towards one fgure to be more at fault for the break. One historiographical camp is that Titos desire to expand Yugoslavia was the root cause of the break. Perhaps he wanted to use expansionism as a means to reject Stalins supremacy and further solidify his own dictatorship. This is the claim that historian Jeronim Perovic makes in his article The Tito-Stalin Split: A Reassessment in Light of New Evidence. With new access to the Moscow archives, his work concludes that the documents indicate that the main reason for the conflict was Stalins dismay when Tito continued to pursue an expansionist foreign policy agenda toward Yugoslavias neighbors, especially Albania, against Moscows stern advice. 14 Perovic supports his argument by first setting up a counter argument the idea that the main cause of the Tito and Stalin split was a difference in ideology and then debunking it by examining disproving evidence and emphasizing the important role Titos appetite for expansion had to play in the conflict. Yet, other historians might cite Stalin as the catalyst for the break. This camp might rationalize that it was Stalin who rejected Tito as a ta ctical decision to try and torce Yugoslavia to tully succumb to Soviet rule. Vladimir DediJers biography ot Tito, Tito Speaks, takes this very stance. A former Yugoslav partisan and friend of Tito, DediJer asserts that Stalin premeditated the break to try and weaken Yugoslavia. He writes It is clear today that Stalin prepared these steps with considerable cunning. First, he tried to draw all responsible officials in the economic field, in the Party achine, in the Army, in the IJDB into his service, so that he could then deliver the final blow and turn Yugoslavia into a Rumania, Bulgaria, or some other East European country which had met a fate like that prepared for Yugoslavia. 1 5 Both of these aforementioned camps fall into the traditionalist category of the historiography surrounding the Tito-Stalin split. By placing blame on either Tito or Stalin, the camps focus on a fundamental incompatibility between the two actors, which leads to their breachs inevitability. 16 Traditionalist thought is characterized by seeing the Tito- Stalin split as inevitable. It generally stems from analysis that was done before the Moscow achieves wer e opened (but not always, an example being Perovics article). 7 My analysis, however, falls more into the revisionist category. Revisionist work is typically derived from access to sources that became available only after the opening of the Moscow archives. Also, revisionists do not see the break-up of the Yugoslav- Soviet alliance as inevitable, and point to evidence that demonstrates Titos loyalty to Stalin and surprise at Stalins forsaking of Yugoslavia to support this claim. 8 All these factors are true of my analysis of the Tito-Stalin split. I argue that neither Stalin nor Tito bears more of the blame for their break. I fall into a camp similar to that of historian Volin MaJstorovic. His thesis: When Soviet policy makers became convinced that the American commitment to Western Europe was permanent in the wake of the Marshall Plan, Kremlin decided to Stalinize the nascent communist bloc, and it was this that caused the demise of the Yugoslav-Soviet alliance. 19 1 agree with MaJstorovic, but I emphazise the importance of the massive influx of power the West eceived after World War II rather than the impacts of Stalinization. It is my thinking that Stalin had no choice but to acknowledge the strength of the Western world, and shape his foreign policy appropriately. From this standpoint, it was crucial for Stalin to part from Tito in order to appease the Western powers, since Titos actions were not looked upon positively by the capitalist bloc (this becoming ironic once rift opened, as Tito then used Western aid against Stalin). Evidence There are several factors that fueled Stalins break with Tito, but the most significant of them relate back to Stalins tie to the West. Indeed, it was important that Stalin take heed of Western interests into account into post-World War II Soviet foreign policy. Firstly, since the Soviet Union had sided with the allies during World War II, East-West negotiations were brought about that otherwise might not have been had. As research scholar Darko Bekich explains it, The Nazi invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941 constituted an immediate threat to Soviet security and made the Soviet Union a natural ally of Britain and France even before the faithless German attack on Russia. He continues on to say that from then on, fght for nfluence in the Balkans were an issue of much debate between the allies and the USSR 20 Thus, the East-West alliances ot World W r II nad not yet tully deteriorated into cold war, so Stalin felt obliged to engage in negotiations with his fellow allies, including negotiations relating to Yugoslavia. Still, Stalins connection with the West didnt entirely stem from post-World War II alliances; it also was derived from his caution regarding Western power. The Soviet Union was crippled by the war. Having hosted the Eastern Front of the war, the USSR suffered from the loss of up to 24,000,000 people total. It also had pursued a policy of scorched earth during the war, leading to the destruction of 31,000 industrial enterprises, 65,000 kilometers of railroad track, and ultimately $128 billion worth of damage. 21 The Soviet State Planning Chief Nikolai Voznesensky published his thesis The Economy of the USSR during World War II in 1947, and ended it by saying Not a single capitalist country in all its past history or in modern war has sustained such losses and barbaric destruction on the part of aggressor as has our homeland. 22 In contrast, the United States emerged from World War II as the new global hegemon. None of the fghting was committed on US soil, its gross national product had increased by 63 percent during the war, and it was the only country to have successfully developed atomic weapons. 23 After the war the United States also began to reverse its foreign policy from isolationism towards involvement. Backed by its military and economic might, it became the leader of the Capitalist Bloc and developed containment policy to prevent the spread of communism, which meant that the USSR would have to rebuild without the assistance of US aid. The policy of containment inspired what came to be known as the Truman Doctrine, which stated hat the US would use whatever means necessary to keep Turkey and notably Greece from falling under the sway of communism and Soviet control. Stalin recognized that the West, particularly the United States, had this immense power post-World War II, and was ready and willing to wield it to keep Eastern influences to a minimum. He also recognized that the Soviet Union was in no shape to combat this kind of power. Therefore, he was forced to consider the interests of the Western powers to safeguard his own country, and this influenced his decisions in Yugoslavia that ultimately led to his break with Tito. Since Stalin was, for the aforementioned reasons, in favor of appeasing the West, the actions Tito would take post-World War II severely distressed the head of the USSR. One of these actions was Titos involvement in the Greek civil war. He supported Greek Communist Party in the fight by bolstering them with Yugoslav aid. Perovic declares that The survival of the Greek partisans depended substantially on the scale of Yugoslav support, and the withdrawal of this support would have almost guaranteed the communist insurrection to fail. 24 This Yugoslav involvement was unsettling to Stalin, largely because of prior comittments e had made with Britain. In October, 1944, Stalin and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill negotiated what would later be called the percentages agreement. Historian Ronald Suny describes the agreement to be an explicit acknowledgement of Soviet hegemony in much of the Balkans, with Britain dominating Greece. 25 The two leaders decided that influence in Yugoslavia would be shared 50-50, the Soviets would have the upper hand in Rumainia with 75 percent influence to Britains 25 percent, and Britain would have control over Greece with 90 percent to the USSRs 10 percent. 6 Though this agreement was never formulated into an official treaty, the Soviets stayed true to this compromise atter the war was over . This is demonstrated by the fact that they did not assist the communist rebels in Greece. Suny specifies this by stating When the British occupied Greece in December 1944 and used military force to quell any pretensions of the Left to power in Greece, the Soviets sat silently by as their supporters were shot down or imprisoned. 27 However, Yugoslavia was still the poster child of Soviet satellite states in 1944. Significant signs of tension etween Stalin and Tito only began to emerge in 1947. 8 This is because the Soviet Unions attempts at diplomacy to halt Yugoslavias involvement in the Greek civil war were failing, and Stalin knew that in time this could cause dangerous international complications, in the words of Perovic. 29 He further describes the predicament by asserting that Soviet leaders sensed that victory for the Greek Communists could be achieved only through direct military intervention, which would risk a confrontation with the Western powers that were already preparing a formal military alliance. Stalin was aware that the West regarded the Greek civil war as an indication of Soviet expansionist plans. 30 So, not only did Stalin choose not to engage the Soviet Union in the Greek skirmish, he prohibited Tito from lending Yugoslav support, all in the name of not provoking the West. Perovic cites the memoirs of Yugoslav representatives to Moscow Edvard Kardell and Milovan Djilas. Both write that at the 10 February meeting [of 1948], Stalin explicitly demanded an end to the Greek rebellion. 31 This clearly shows that Stalin was prioritizing foreign relations with the West over championing fellow communists in Greece. Additionally, Stalin and Tito also disagreed when it came to Yugoslavias unification with Albania and, more broadly, Titos ambitions for a federation of the Balkan countries. 32 Tito had forged an alliance with Albania to funnel aid to the Greek communists, since it too shared a border with Greece. This was not looked upon kindly by Stalin, who already wanted to pull Yugoslavia from the Greek civil war. Furthermore, this display of Yugoslav dominance in Albania was a reflection of Titos desire to merge the state with Yugoslavia. Tito had previously discussed the concept of Yugoslav federation, consisting of Albania and also Bulgaria. However, Tito was no longer as gung-ho about a union with Bulgaria as he had been right after the war,33 and so in the immediate post-war years he switched his focus on swallowing Albania. 34 Titos hopes began to come to fruit with the Yugoslav-Albanian Treaty on Friendship and Mutual Assistance, signed July 1946. 35 Four months later, economic and customs agreements were set in stone. 36 Stalin had taken a stance in opposition to the ratification of the Treaty on Friendship and Mutual Assistance with Albania. At a Yugoslav delegation held in January 1945 Stalin asserted that fthe English understand only the language of violence, and that the treaty should be scraped in order to avoid international complications. 37 Undesirably for Stalin, Tito went ahead and ratified the treaty. In hopes of solving this dispute quietly, in January 1948 Stalin asked Tito to send a Belgrade representative to Moscow for consultations. Representative Djilas arrived on the seventeenth, and immediately Stalin had him brought to the Kremlin. There, he explained to Djilas that he was in favor of a bigger Yugoslav federation in theory. He is remembered to have said We agree with you: you ought to swallow Albania the sooner the better. 38 However, in practice Stalin knew that the Western world would see Yugoslavias incorporation of Albania as Soviet expansionism. So ne continued on to say that a tormal merger ot the two countries should be delayed until an appropriate time and format could be worked out, and should be accomplished voluntarily, not against the will of the Albanians. 39 Tito interpreted these statements as endorsement for further Yugoslav involvement in Albania. With Albanias approval he began preparing to move in two Yugoslav military divisions without consulting Moscow. Stalin was outraged by this, but fortunately the damage had not yet been done. He invited Yugoslav officials to Moscow for yet another diplomatic meeting on 10 February and demanded that Tito refrain from moving his forces into Albania. Wacheslav Molotov, one of Stalins aids, remarked that because Tito had not chosen to consult with Stalin about this deployment of forces, serious differences had arisen between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. At Stalins behest, Molotov read aloud a telegram that had been sent to Belgrade the month prior. It emphasized the importance of the need for the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia to sort out the mess [regarding the incorporating Albania and the Greek civil war] together in case of an Anglo-American intervention. 40 In the end, Tito did not scrap his plans to deploy his divisions to Albania, and it was this blatant rebuff that caused Stalin to formally stop negotiations with Yugoslavia. He withdrew all Soviet military and civilian advisers in 1948. The former role model Soviet satellite was expelled from the Cominform and Titoism became as condemning a term as Trotskyism. Yet, it is important to note that in every altercation Stalin had with Tito regarding Yugoslav influence in Albania, Stalins reasoning for staying out of the country was to avoid an altercation with the West. There is evidence that demonstrates that Stalin would have been in much more favor of Titos actions in Albania and Greece had it not been for his concern of Western opinion. After all, Tito was helping to spread communism through Yugoslav influence, and would possibly start an international cascade of communist revolutions by defending the Greek Communist Party from his own boarders as well as Albanias. Yet, in spite of these advantages to Titos maneuvers, they all demonstrated a spread of Soviet power to the West. Thus, Stalin chose to split with Tito and instead prioritize the foreign relations with the Western bloc. Analysis of Possible Counter Arguments A variety of counter arguments exist that stand in contrast with my assessment that Stalins prioritizing of foreign relations with the West was the main reason he split with Tito. I have mentioned two of them in my literature review. One is the idea that the Stalin-Tito split was more caused by Stalins fear of Yugoslavia gaining too much ower and rivaling the Soviet Union. The other is that Titos interest in expansion was the key cause of the collapse of his relationship with Stalin. Both schools of thought have their merits. I do not argue that their conclusions are untrue, but merely emphasize less important factors that led to the break. Though Stalin may have been uncomfortable with Yugoslavias steadily growing supremacy, there are a few facts that partially undermine the significance of his apprehension regarding its impact on his break with Tito. Indeed, Stalin was willing to compromise with Tito on the xpansionism issue. During his meeting with Djilas and Kardell on 17 January, 1948, he expressed his endorsement of a larger Yugoslavia, but emphasized that a formal merger of the two countries should be delayed until an appropriate time and format could be worked out that would not irk the West. 42 During his second meeting with the Yugoslav representatives on February 10 ne even went so tar as to put torward a plan that would form a federation comprised of Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and Albania. He exclaimed This is the federation that should be created, and the sooner the better ight away, if possible tomorrow. 43 However, Stalin stressed the importance of not upsetting the capitalist bloc by further meddling in the Greek civil war via Albania, and instead, as a first step, ordered Yirst a federation between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, and then both with Albania. 44 This demonstrates that Stalin wasnt extremely apprehensive about Yugoslavia expanding, but was more so worried about the Wests reaction to expa nsion into Albania specifically. Albania was an especially tricky issue because of its proximity to the Greek civil war, and American President Truman had already put forth his own doctrine in 1947, stating that the United States would support free people who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures. 45 This language refers to the USs promise of economic and military aid to Greece to keep from losing it to the Soviet sphere of influence,46 and Stalin recognized this. Though the West would not favor Yugoslavias merging with Bulgaria, it would not be as hot of an issue as the incorporating of Albania. Thus, it might be a viable alternative that would feed Yugoslavias hunger for xpansion, and not be too upsetting to the Western world. Since Stalin was willing to compromise on the expansion issue with Tito, this demonstrates that he was not so anxious about Yugoslavias increasing influence in the Balkans. Instead, the Soviet leader was more worried about angering the West, and was willing to allow Yugoslavia to gain some power in an attempt to forge a compromise that wouldnt provoke American military action. In addition, Stalins controlling policies towards Yugoslavia were not unique; during this time, the Soviet Union sought to tighten its rip on its entire sphere of influence to placate as well as demonstrate its power to the West. Thus, Stalins inflexible policies towards Yugoslavia were not exceptional, solely directed at weakening the growing Balkan giant. In the words of Perovic, Stalins dismay regarding Tito came at a time when Soviet policy toward Eastern Europe as a whole was hardening. 47 Historian Marshall Shulman sums up this policy shift in his book Stalins Forign Policy Reappriased. He starts off by saying The unsettling factor in the equation was the Soviet perception of the Western societies s inherently and intractably hostile, with the consequent conviction of the inevitability of conflict, and goes on to explain that the USSR chose to compensate for its sense of vulnerability, and consolidate Soviet control over Eastern Europe. 8 Shulman points out the irony in that th ese actions Just stimulated Western military mobilization, which is precisely what Stalin was so carefully trying to avoid. 49 MaJstorovic too writes an analysis of the Tito-Stalin split that is in agreement with Perovics and Shulmans remarks. He states that when the conflict with the West ecame a distinct possibility, Stalin decided to close ranks in the communist movement,50 and actively began to think about Stalinization of Eastern Europe at this time. 51 He defines Stalinization to be replacing the regions communists with individuals whose fortunes crucially depended on Stalin, and whose servility to Moscow was unquestionalable, and goes on to say that This was a logical extension of the Communization process, which climaxed after the Cominforms founding conference, as it assures more effective control of Eastern Europe, during a time Stalin needed his control to prevent a controntation wit ne Wes 52 So, though Yugoslavia was by far the strongest Balkan power, this did not rende r unusually restrictive policies on the part of Stalin. This makes it more difficult to interpret Stalins orders to Tito as solely stemming from his fear of a strong Yugoslavia. Because they were on par with Stalins actions towards the rest of the Soviet bloc, this alludes to the likelihood that Stalin was less concerned with only Yugoslavia and its increasing power, but rather was more concerned with all of the Eastern bloc, and how the West might perceive it on the whole. Its also unlikely that Titos desire to expand was most relevant factor in causing the break. Did Tito want to expand Yugoslavia? Yes. Was he willing to part with Stalin for the sake of expansion? No. This hypothesis can be derived from the knowledge that Tito and his followers were enthusiastic Stalinists pre-spilt. Yugoslavia was the shining example of all the Soviet satellite states for a reason. Under Titos direction, the Yugoslav Communists pursued the construction of socialism more fanatically than did their comrades in the other Eastern European states. 53 They formulated their constitution, ollectivized agriculture policies, economic planning organs, Judicial system, state bureaucracy, health care, educational systems, and even their cultural sphere closely following the Stalinist Soviet model. 4 In turn, when it came time for Yugoslavia to part with the Soviet Union, Tito and his followers were shocked; as former staunch Stalinists, they found it very hard to free themselves from their idol and to accept the new situation. 55 The only reason many of them chose to denounce Stalin post- split was out of fear of being labeled as Cominformist and disappearing off to a Yug oslav concentration camp. 6 This surprise at Stalins transition from idol to enemy indicates that Tito had no preemptive intentions of breaking relations with the Soviet dictator. Though Tito may have wanted to solidify his ictatorship and augment Yugoslavias influence, he did not want nor expect to split otttrom the Soviet Union. On the contrary, ne and his tollowers revered the head ot the Communist bloc up until they were expelled from the Cominform. Moreover, some of the most fundamental sources of friction between Stalin and Tito were from mishaps in communication, and not from reckless expansionist maneuvers. For the most part, Tito was pretty cooperative with Stalin up until February 19, 1948. To further along diplomatic solutions, he had promptly sent high-ranking delegations to Moscow to represent him at Stalins every request. The only reason he didnt come himself was because of health reasons. 61 The game changing event was Stalins order for Yugoslavia and Bulgaria to merge at the February 10 meeting. While Tito had wanted to merge with Bulgaria in part, neither country desired to do so at this point in time. Stalin had hoped that this order would have appeased Yugoslavia, but in actuality it led to Titos first refusal of a direct order from Stalin. 2 Similarly, Tito had misinterpreted Stalins approval of his annexing of Albania so long as it was done voluntarily. 63 It was this misunderstanding that led Tito to deploy his force into Albania without discussing the matter with Stalin first. This event is what called for Stalins first accusations that serious differences exist between [the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia] with regard to questions of foreign policy. 64 It is a lso what ultimately led to the February 10 meeting. These areas of miscommunication, at first glance, can easily be interpreted as evidence of Titos hunger for expansion. However, upon closer inspection, one can see that they are merely misunderstandings in diplomatic rhetoric. From this perspective, Tito wasnt really acting as a power-hungry xpansionist, but was influenced by misconceptions. Plus, even if Stalin had interpreted Titos actions as expansionist desire, he was less concerned about Yugoslavia expanding and more concerned about how this would look to the West. This is evident by his attempt to merge Yugoslavia with Bulgaria, and not with Albania. From this, we learn that Stalin wasnt afraid of a bigger, stronger Yugoslavia; rather, he did not want to trifle with the delicate issue that was the Greek civil war, and take the chance of involving the West. Conclusion Its difficult to know with certainty Stalins motivations regarding his split with Tito. Pinpointing exactly what was the biggest contributing fact to his denouncing of Tito is still one of the most highly contested topics of the Tito-Stalin split, even after the opening of the Moscow archives. Even Djilas, who met Stalin on several occasions for Soviet-Yugoslav negotiations, admits that Not even today am I clear on Stalins motives Perhaps he thought that to create still another Communist state- Greece- in the Balkans, when not even the others were reliable and subservient, could hardly have been in his interest, to say nothing of possible international omplications, which were becoming more and more threatening and even if they did not drag him into war, they might endanger positions he already had won. 65 This being the case, my thesis is somewhat lacking in primary source evidence, as Stalin was not one to dictate his fears, especially when then concerned Western dominance. However, this is not to say that too little evidence exists to make the case that the break was caused by his prioritizing of foreign relations with the West. Other theories that the break was rooted in a specific action done by either Stalin or Tito ave worth ot course, but they tail to tully explain os idolization ot Stalin, and generally dont take into account the communication errors between Tito and Stalin. They are also flawed in that they dont contextualize the split within the bigger picture of East-West interaction. It is for this reason I have chosen to emphasize the importance of Stalins thoughts on the West, and how they informed his decisions regarding Tito. This also explains why I focus mostly on the areas of contention surrounding the Yugoslav relationship with Albania and the involvement in the Greek civil war. Both these sources of disagreement between him and Stalin played key roles leading up to Yugoslavias expulsion from the Cominform, and not coincidentally are intertwined with Soviet-Western relations. To conclude, I speculate that an undertaking of further research into primary source documents would certainly strengthen my argument. Perhaps in time, as the Moscow archives open up more and more, more material will be available to illuminate Stalins thoughts on parting from Tito. Until then, I find that emphasizing his concern about Western strength and opinion is a most reasonable explanation for his decision to break from Tito.

Hsiang Yu the Tragic Hero

Hsiang Yu the Tragic Hero Free Online Research Papers Hsiang Yu: The Tragic Hero Confucius once said, â€Å"Study the past if you would divine the future†. The emphasis traditional Chinese culture has for centuries placed on history as an educational and guiding source is reflected in Ssu-ma Chien’s historical work, Shi Ji. Split into five categories – basic annals, chronological tables, treatises, hereditary houses and biographies – Shi Ji chronicles the history spanning an extensive time ranging from the original Yellow Emperor to the Han Dynasty. Of the five sections, ‘biographies’ remain the most intriguing. Ssu-ma Chien’s cogent yet vivid use of language not only gave insight into the character and fundamental worth of each subject, but also illustrated their particular virtues he deems that make each individual respectable and honorable. In particular, Ssu-ma Chien highlights the importance of reputable traits such as bravery, determination and loyalty through a straightforward and didactic style of writing in his biography of Hsiang Yu. The cultural significance of this biography lays in the authenticity of Hsiang Yu, as reflected in the use of vivid, factual descriptions of Hsiang Yu’s rise and eventual downfall. By illustrating the flaws of Hsiang Yu alongside of his merits, his humanity is reflected, which not only makes him more accessible and relatable to the readers themselves, but also as a result of this instills in the readers the inspiration to emulate Hsiang Yu’s upstanding attributes. Ssu-ma Chien’s biography of Hsiang Yu is thus a notable piece of ancient Chinese literature because it transcends simply being a historical recount of events – it underscores the significance of nurturing and harboring virtuous qualities in our flawed selves, and embracing the notion that it is our vices and merits that determine our fate and how we influence those around us. In the excerpt of Hsiang Yu’s biography as analyzed in this essay, it documents the circumstances surrounding Hsiang Yu’s death. The story begins with Hsiang Yu’s army trapped in a siege by the Han army and Hsiang Yu, recognizing the futility of the situation, weeps, sings and drinks with his concubine, Lady Yuh. However, despite the desolation, Hsiang Yu remounts his horse and leads his troops to break the encirclement. Hearing of this new development the next day, the King of Han orders the pursuit of Hsiang Yu and his men. At this point, Hsiang Yu’s army had dwindled from eight hundred to meager hundred or so horsemen. In addition, having been deceived by a farmer and misguided into a great swamp, Hsiang Yu once again found himself at the mercy of the Han army. By this time, the army’s numbers have reduced to twenty-eight men. Realizing he could not escape, Hsiang Yu delivers a moving speech in his resolve to spend his final moments fighting unti l his last breath. Splitting his army into three groups as a diversion tactic, Hsiang Yu successful breaks the siege, eliminating his enemies while only losing two men. However, as Hsiang Yu approaches Wu River, he reaches an impasse, as he is too ashamed to cross over to the east side of the Yangtze to his people. In his last efforts, Hsiang Yu bravely kills several hundred Han men, yet suffering severe wounds in the process. At an encounter with his old friend Lu Ma-t’ung, Hsiang Yu offers his head to Lu as a favor and slits his own throat, committing suicide. At the death of Hsiang Yu, the only remaining region refusing to submit was Lu, the area in which Hsiang Yu held reign. It was not until the presentation of Hsiang Yu’s severed head did the people surrender. However, instead of annihilating the citizens, the King of Han recognized the people of Lu’s strict honor and loyalty to their sovereign and spared them. In the last scene of this biographical excerp t, The King, further acknowledging Hsiang Yu’s bravery and virtue, buries Hsiang Yu in a respectable and grand ceremony and pardons all his associated family members. From the extract, it is evident that Hsiang Yu not only possesses many valuable and respectable traits, but is also recognized and praised for them. Hsiang Yu’s straightforward, single-minded and brave qualities are the virtues Ssu-ma Chien highlights in his recount of the events surrounding Hsiang Yu’s death. Despite the encirclement Han soldiers have created around the meager number of Hsiang Yu’s people, and although Hsiang Yu realizes the situation as futile as â€Å"they could not escape†, he does not cower or waver. Instead, Hsiang Yu boldly proclaims to fight to his death as he eradicates his enemies. Every grim situation Hsiang Yu was circumscribed in, he demonstrates unshakable intrepidity. Even on the brink of demise, Hsiang Yu continues to display an unyielding attitude and valiantly offers his head to his enemies. This demonstration of such courage and determination is a mirror to Hsiang Yu’s exemplary virtues that have not only inspired his troops to place their faith in Hsiang Yu, but also instilled the same committed belief and gallantry in them. Their resultant strength emanating from this loyalty and conviction is reflected in their ability to have broken through the grasps of the Han army more than two times, despite being overwhelmingly outnumbered. It was not until the third engagement did Hsiang Yu and his men finally suffer defeat. Hence, the power that radiates from Hsiang Yu is indication of his worthiness and respectability. Moreover, the â€Å"eight thousand sons from the land east of the river† that once devotedly followed Hsiang Yu is also testament to the impact and merit of Hsiang Yu, as recognized by those that followed him. This dedication is also ingrained amongst the citizens of Lu. Their refusal to submit and â€Å"willingness to fight to death for its acknowledged sovereign† reflects their allegiance to abide by the same honor Hsiang Yu possesses. The homage the inhabitants of Lu paid to Hsiang Yu to the very end further influenced and moved King of Han to also acknowledge Hsiang Yu’s worthiness and gave Hsiang Yu a dignified burial â€Å"appropriate to a Duke of Lu† (122). Hence, Ssu-ma Chien emphasizes the significance of how determination and moral certainty will diffuse and spread among those around you, infusing them with unwavering loyalty and spirit. As a consequence, this virtue will lead one to achieve great things, and elevate them to prominence, just as H siang Yu did by gaining the faith of his people through the maintenance of a steadfast and lionhearted persona – even Liu Pang, enemy of Hsiang Yu, was affected by Hsiang Yu’s qualities and gave his respects. While Hsiang Yu’s repertoire of righteous traits runs long, he is not without fault and his downfall can be attributed to his own shortcomings. In his biography, Hsiang Yu, as a result of the multiple victories he garnered and relished in, was depicted as one who thinks highly of himself and one who boasts about his achievements. For example, on the eve of his death, Hsiang Yu proclaims to his remaining soldiers, â€Å"I have fought over seventy battles. Every enemy I faced was destroyed, every one I attacked submitted. Never once did I suffer defeat, until at last I became the dictator of the world† (120). Coupled with this arrogance, Hsiang Yu’s direct and bold personality descends into a less virtuous quality – rashness and recklessness. As a final gesture to his foreseeable and imminent doom, Hsiang Yu chooses to slaughter as many Han soldiers instead of crossing over to the east side of the Yangtze river. Refusing to retreat and face the people loyal to him, Hsiang Yu reflects displays an impetuous and proud temperament. However, Ssu-ma Chien chronicles Hsiang Yu’s death with dignity, attributing to the fact that his final hours was in tribute to his men, â€Å"I beg to fight bravely and win for your three victories. For your sake I shall break through the enemy’s encirclement, cut down their leaders and sever their banners† (120). This dedication thus showcases Hsiang Yu’s unwavering loyalty and dedication to his men, which prevents the readers from viewing Hsiang Yu with contempt, as they are reminded of his equally notable and laudable qualities. All in all, the way through which the reputable Hsiang Yu was lead to his defeat by his arrogance and lack of self-awareness epitomizes a tragic hero scenario – a virtuous man falling to his own limitations, but is ultimately somewhat redeemed. The true implication of this historical record is thus to allow the audience to identify and feel sympath y for Hsiang Yu and to reflect on mistakes he made, so as to avoid the same pitfalls. Moreover, Ssu-ma Chien style of writing also suggests a hint of disapproval for Hsiang Yu and his lack of insight into his reasons of failure and tendency to blame everything other than himself. For example, on the brink of his demise, instead of attributing and accepting his personal failure, he repeatedly blames Heaven and not himself for his downfall, â€Å"It is because Heaven would destroy me, not because I have committed any fault in battle† (120) and â€Å"It is heaven that is destroying me† (121). The significance of an individual’s own action and will is an ever important and essential theme the historian prominently calls attention to. It is our own behavior, not the Heavens, that directs our course in life. Moreover, the weight Ssu-ma Chien places in this subject matter is a reflection and comparison to his own experiences. Suffering his own humiliation and setbacks, Ssu-ma Chien not only does not seek to end his life, but instead chooses to continue t he greater task at hand – his historical work. If Hsiang Yu had returned to his people and continued his reign over those loyal to him, it would have mirrored Ssu-ma Chien’s ability to see the bigger picture by carrying on his duty as a historian. Ssu-ma Chien would have thus encouraged Hsiang Yu towards the path of realizing and undertaking in his greater purpose and responsibility above his own pride and honor. Hence, Ssu-ma Chien underlines and encourages those who read his work to accept and maintain their responsibilities and to constantly reflect and learn form others’ examples and mistakes with humility. In conclusion, in the final hours of Hsiang Yu’s death, his actions demonstrated both his virtues and his flaws that reflected a multitude of moral lessons. Through vivid use of dialogue and succinct cogency, Ssu-ma Chien simultaneously illustrates a clear historical picture while subtly promoting the significance of virtuous behavior in oneself to rise to the ranks of distinction and eminence, just as Hsiang Yu did: despite being impetuous and presumptuous at times, Hsiang Yu’s main legacy shall remain and be that of a loyal, respected and fearless individual. Ssu-ma Chien’s depiction of Hsiang Yu as a great but imperfect man encapsulates Ssu-ma Chien’s ability to evoke thought in his readers. Just as Hsiang Yu fell by his own actions, we are all susceptible to the same oversights. Ssu-ma Chien’s intention is thus to acknowledge the weight of our conducts, as it can hoist us up or bring us down. On the other hand, Ssu-ma Chien’s realistic an d pragmatic style also encompasses a large variety of readers, who are also afflicted with flaws, to identify and sympathize with the central figures in his work. By subtly encouraging audiences to evaluate each character and to mirror themselves in adjacent with these commendable yet relatable examples, Shi Ji thus not only functions as an excellent moral guide, but also as a precautionary tool. Hence, the reason that Ssu-ma Chien’s famed work, Shi Ji, continues to be regarded with reverence is a direct result of its acuity and edifying properties that timelessly teaches enduring lessons of the past that either encourages or prevents the same occurrences in the future. Research Papers on Hsiang Yu the Tragic HeroAssess the importance of Nationalism 1815-1850 EuropeHonest Iagos Truth through DeceptionWhere Wild and West MeetComparison: Letter from Birmingham and CritoQuebec and CanadaBringing Democracy to AfricaInfluences of Socio-Economic Status of Married MalesResearch Process Part OneTwilight of the UAW19 Century Society: A Deeply Divided Era

Why You Cant Market A Book Youre Not 100% Proud Of An Interview

Why You Cant Market A Book Youre Not 100% Proud Of An Interview "You can’t market a book that you’re not 100% proud of" - An Interview with ex-SS editor Kiele Raymond As the Reedsy marketplace keeps growing and welcoming exceptional designers and editors, we wanted to interview one of our early â€Å"stars†, as her story is one that many East Coast editors can refer to.After five years honing her editorial skills at Simon Schuster and contributing to multiple New York Times bestsellers, Kiele Raymond eventually left traditional publishing to focus on what really matters: great content. As an editorial consultant on the beautiful New Hampshire seacoast, she helps authors fine tune their voice with detailed and constructive criticism, and especially loves working on suspense, historical and contemporary fiction, and memoir with an ethnographic twist.We’ll discuss editing careers, what â€Å"developmental editing† actually means, as well as give advice to starting authors or your editors out there.Hi Kiele, good to have you here. I really like your story because I think it’s one that many of our editors on Reedsy can rela te to: you previously worked in-house for Simon and Schuster and are now freelance and focusing on developmental editing (or editorial assessments). Did you find that this is what you were most skilled at during your time at SS?I’ll always be grateful that my publishing career started at SS because they’ve built such a strong and collaborative community of editors. From the very beginning, I was able to study the craft under the very best in the business. It’s true that the editorial department shoulders a lot of responsibility in traditional publishing. On top of acquiring impactful content and making sure each final manuscript is the best version of itself, they’re constantly advocating for their list when it comes to marketing, publicity, cover design, back cover copy, and sales placement. In fact, most actual editorial work (reading, content and line edits) happens at night or over the weekend. It’s a 24/7 kind of job – some of my very b est friends are still hustling down there in NYC and I could not admire them more.But yes, I think most book editors enter the fray because they are first and foremost passionate about developing great writing. It was certainly always my primary goal to cultivate a keen editorial eye and help authors maximize their potential. Luckily, in my new role as editorial consultant, that’s exactly where my focus lies.Do you think that developmental editing or content editing has surged in prominence since self-publishing has become more popular?Yes – I do think that self-published authors are more and more cognizant of the innumerable benefits of involving a professional. It’s also helpful that it’s getting so much easier to find us. Just a few years ago, first-time authors were hard pressed to find someone who had been in the trenches of traditional publishing. Now there are multiple avenues.I’ve seen several authors in your testimonials mention that your work was almost â€Å"intuitive†. How big is the role of intuition in an editorial consultant’s job, in your opinion? And how could starting editors develop their content editing skills?Well, I do think that a huge part of editing is the ability to listen very carefully to the author’s voice. At the end of the day, it’s their story. If something’s not working, I don’t immediately go for the cut. I figure out what they’re trying to say in that moment and work with them to make sure it has the effect they intended. It’s a little like acting – you need to inhabit the character but also bring your own experience to the table. This is especially important to me when I’m working on memoirs.Advice for future editors? Read voraciously. You can’t become fluent in storytelling if you’re not constantly studying a wide range of material. Like many of my colleagues, I majored in English Literature. It was a great introduction to the literary canon, but by the time I graduated I was woefully behind in all things contemporary. I spent many sleepless nights catching up. Like any industry, if you want to do well in the marketplace you have to know what you’re up against.Are there any differences in working with an independent/hybrid author? Does the absence of a traditional publishing structure change the way you communicate with the author?When it comes to developmental editing, my job remains largely the same. I do everything I can to make the book better. Some manuscripts do need more grunt work than others, but I’ve found that it varies just as much outside of traditional publishing as it does inside. I’ve also been lucky to consistently work with authors that are extremely open to constructive criticism. It’s always gratifying – and often surprising – to see how they incorporate my notes into the next draft.Do you still have contact with agents sin ce you left Simon   Schuster? What do you think the role of agents can be for indie authors?Yes – I also still have very close friends on the agenting side. There’s always a strong bond formed between junior agents and editors as they climb the ladder together. I do know a few agents who make it their business to seek new talent in the self-publishing community. For instance, Sempre is a book I edited at Gallery that was originally an indie bestseller before an agent snapped it up and brought it to us. I think some indie authors still harbor ambitions to see their book sold nationally in print. Agents can help them make that happen.Are there any books in your portfolio that you especially enjoyed working on?An impossible question! I will say there are a few â€Å"firsts† that hold a special place in my heart. Bruce by Peter Ames Carlin and The Girls of Atomic City by Denise Kiernan were the first books I worked on that became New York Times bestsellers. It doe sn’t hurt that both authors are great talents and great humans.I also have to give a shout out to my first acquisition – Behind the Gates of Gomorrah by Steve Seager. It’s an unbelievable story. Here’s a feature in the New York Times.In an increasingly competitive publishing landscape, what might your recommendation be for authors deciding on how to divide their budgets between editorial work and marketing?I actually got my start at SS as an intern in the marketing department in 2009 and I still write reading group guides for their book club outreach campaigns. I think both editorial and marketing professionals can wholeheartedly agree that you can’t market a book that you’re not 100% proud of. Luckily, editorial budgets can be fixed. Find an editor you trust, listen to them, and do the hard work. When you’re done, be very honest with yourself about your ideal reader and target those markets. If your book has legs, your audience will do the work for you.When I work on a book, I don’t just improve the writing until it reaches a certain standard of professionalism. I impart any and all knowledge (marketing and other) that will help the author feel equipped to send their book into the world.You are a Reedsy editor:  how important do you think it is for quality freelancers to regroup in curated communities? What is your personal goal in joining them?I think it’s vitally important for authors to have access to professionals they can trust without having to rely on the big five. Organizations like Reedsy and NY Book Editors are doing the work to make those connections by recruiting tried and true editors that are excited to offer support to authors outside the relatively insulated New York network. In turn, I’m able to work with clients that I know are as invested as I am in creating great books.Finally, if you had one word of advice for authors (mainstream, indie, hybrid) in 2015, what would it be?Listen to your editor, but trust yourself. I’ve seen the most elegant solutions come from authors who took my note and then made it their own.Learn more about the differences between  developmental editing,  copy editing and  editorial assessments through these links.What’s been your personal experience with developmental editors? Do you think regrouping in curated communities is important for freelance publishing professionals? Is editing more important than marketing? Do leave us your insights in the comments below!

Human Resource Management Practice Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Human Resource Management Practice - Essay Example The performance of an organization is rooted in the contributions of each and every person working in that organization. Performance therefore is the greatest motivation of HRM. It is however important to note that an organization's culture impacts on the performance of that organization (Denison, 1990). This therefore implies that performance and consequently HRM approach of an organization takes cue directly from the organization's culture. Therefore each organization has embraced HRM approach that closely fits it based on its culture and culture being every aspect of the organization at every level i.e. from explicit manifestations of traditions to the underlying assumptions that drive a company or organization (Schein, 2004). This paper seeks to explain why a given HRM approach closely and uniquely fits a particular organization. This is achieved, by choosing a case organization, identifying its HRM approach and explaining why the HRM approach in that organization fits them. Before we choose the case organization it is important to highlight the major approaches to HRM. These include vision, commitment, appraisal, agile structures and re branding. Vision needs to be communicated to the employees from the top. Commitment can be attained by using motivational approaches so that the personnel can have commitment to their work. In agile structures, there is redesign of organizational structures to embrace flexibility so as to stimulate employees to handle a variety of roles in the growing group dynamics with the aim of maximizing efficiency and output. In appraisal, the employees are evaluated to witness their progress and address areas where they need to be developed. Finally, re branding approach refers to the changing of the old names such as "personnel department" to HRM department with an emphasis that it is a department representing the most caring and considerate part of the company. To get an edge in the market through HRM it is important that the HRM function caters for: planning, consistent design and management of workforce systems, strong policy on employment and manpower strategy, harmonization of HRM activities/ policies with the overt business plan/strategy and considering the workforce as a resource for attaining a competitive edge in the market. (Armstrong, 2006) Take Samsung Electronics Co. Ltd for instance. Samsung is an organization that deals within a fierce market competition. Therefore, to survive in such a market it is imperative to arrange and effectively utilize the human resource at their disposal. Samsung believes strongly that despite the fact that human resource and technological development are two different functions; their interaction creates a synergy that bears on success in the market rooted in internal quality management. It also believes that when good relations exist between the employees and when employees are happy doing their jobs, then this is good for the organization. It is good because the employee is in good frame of mind and he/she has the motivation to beat deadlines, carry out responsibility without much supervision and above all feeling part of the organization. Therefore, Samsung tries to encourage good relations among employees for the purpose of highly motivated and competent workers. Human resource development is a very important and central aspect of human Resource Management. When an organization emphasizes on developing their

The Developmental Process of Clinical Supervisors Essay

The Developmental Process of Clinical Supervisors - Essay Example Newly qualified dentists, also known as foundation dentists, are supervised for a period of one year.     Ã‚  Supervision is an extensive practice that applies and fits various contexts differently. In the clinical setting, the ultimate objective of supervision is to enhance the knowledge and skill base of the supervisee. In so doing, the practitioner realizes all-around competitiveness in his/her line of professionalism. In order to achieve the desired results, the adopted supervisory practices should fit the relationship between the supervisor and the supervisee. Over and above this, the supervision process has to be effective, an aspect that is greatly influenced by the supervisor.   Regardless of the context within which the supervisor and the supervisee interact, the supervisor should discharge his/her role effectively. In order to ensure that the supervisory process runs smoothly, a functional relationship has to be established between the parties involved. Failure to do this could often result in complexities that are likely to derail the entire process. In the clinical context, the situation is even more critical due to the factoring in of the patients or clients. Clinical practitioners do not only have to worry about the supervisor and the supervisee, but also the patient or client who is essentially the central concern in the whole process.   Supervision in the clinical setting develops the supervisee and consequently, impacts on other parties, say the patients or clients. Healthcare provision is driven by health care practitioners for the benefit of patients and clients.

Promoting autonomy of oneself and others Essay Example for Free

Promoting autonomy of oneself and others Essay Introduction                     Autonomy is the ability to have the capacity for self-governance or have self- determination. This is a concept which comes out through various arenas. For example, the moral autonomy is usually governed by the moral laws ( Deci, 2010). Therefore, personal autonomy can be said to be the capacity of a person to pursue actions based on moral content. This paper will compare the philosophical work by Nietzsche and MacIntyre and determine who offers the best tool of promoting autonomy. Over the past centuries, the teachings of Friedrich Nietzsche have transformed and penetrated every realm of social culture in the Western world. In his essays, he examines the significance of people’s ability to make promises. He states that to hold to the promises made requires both confidence about the future and very powerful memory that will ensure that certain issues are not forgotten. According to Nietzsche confidence requires one to be predictable or calculable and, therefore, he or she must share common sets of customs and laws that govern his or her behaviour (Risse, 2001). The society and morality play an important part of making a person predictable, therefore, giving the person ability to make promises. This process according to Nietzsche is complicated as it ends up in the ‘sovereign person’ who can make decisions, not only because the person in question is bounded by social mores but because he or she is the master of his or her own free will. The sovereign of an individual is characterised by tremendous responsibilities of one being free to make claims in regard to his or her future. This sense of responsibility according to Nietzsche is called conscience (Risse, 2001). Nietzsche defines the concept of ‘bad conscience and guiltiness using German words for ‘debt’ and ‘guilt. He suggested that, originally, there were no relationship between guilt and accountability or immorality. Punishments were meted on the basis of reprisal and not on the basis of guilt. If a person failed to honour promises, then they were considered to be in debt the person they failed. The debt could then be balanced by punishing or torturing the person. This happened to a person say the creditor who had no interest of getting his money back from the debtor. Thus, the memory of making promises during this time was burdened and the punishments and cruelty ensured that the debtor does not forget his promises next time (Risse, 2001). Macintyre’s in his book, ‘After Virtue (1981)’ explains his long ethical project. The book diagnoses the rising issues in the society such as ‘culture of emotivism’ where the moral language pragmatically manipulates decisions, attitude and decision. According to the book, those moral cultures are said to be a theatre of illusion where the objectives of moral rhetoric masks the decisions. The books examine the part of the community in making the judgments about the truth or falsity. The work by MacIntyre also examines the reasons why human beings need virtues through investigating the social debts and needs of human agents and the part which they were playing in the formation of an independent practical person who can reason (Borden, 2007). The philosophy by Maclntyre’s is very important especially to the fields of communitarian politics and the virtues of ethics. He points out the insignificance of conventional business ethic as an application of the modern moral concepts in decision making. His work in philosophy has lead tremendous renewal of values over the last decades. For example, in his works his discusses the moral condemnation of Stalinism. His presentation of this concept draws two important conclusions related to morality, one is the fact of the people’s solidarity in discovering what people want in their moral life (Borden, 2007).. According to MacIntyre morality organises life of the community. As he concludes his book, he says that the concepts of morality are neither historical nor timeless and, therefore, the understanding the developments of historical, ethical concepts can liberate people from any falsity claims (Borden, 2007). MacIntyre’s Aristotelian offers the best tool of promoting autonomy of one self and others compared to Nietzsche because he examines the habits that humans should develop in order to make judgement and act efficiently in the pursuit of the true choices which have a worthy end. His examination has a very rich account on the deliberate activities by human that encompass moral formation and society life. He also accounts why humans have practical wisdom to do what is right based on the freedom of morality. References Borden, S. L. (2007). Journalism as practice: MacIntyre, virtue ethics and the press. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.. Deci, E. L., Ryan, R. M. (2010). The support of autonomy and the control of behavior. Journal of personality and social psychology, 53(6), 1024.Risse, M. (2001). The Second Treatise in In the Genealogy of Morality: Nietzsche on the Origin of the Bad Conscience. European Journal of Philosophy, 9(1), 55-81. Source document

Listeria monocytogenes Essay -- Essays Papers

Listeria monocytogenes Introduction Listeria monocytogenes, a motile, gram-positive rod, is an opportunistic food-borne pathogen capable of causing listeriosis in humans. Listeriosis includes manifestations of septicemia, meningitis, pneumonia, and encephalitis. L. monocytogenes is also implicated in miscarriages, stillbirth, and premature birth for pregnant women. L. monocytogenes is a tough bacterium resistant to freezing, drying, and heat; most strains have been shown to be pathogenic. It is hypothesized that 1-10% of humans are intestinal carriers of L. monocytogenes. Over 37 mammalian species, including wild and domestic animals, are capable of L. monocytogenes infection and transmission. Extensive environmental reservoirs for L. monocytogenes include soil, water, vegetation, sewage, silage, and the intestinal tract of various animals. Encounter: L. monocytogenes is transmitted by ingestion of contaminated food or water. The bacterium is associated with raw milk, cheeses, (particularly soft varieties) ice cream, raw vegetables, fermented raw-meat sausages, raw and cooked poultry, raw meats, and raw and smoked fish. It is capable of growing at temperatures as low as 3Â °C allowing multiplication in refrigerated foods, making L. monocytogenes infection particularly hard to avoid. The infective dose has not been determined, but is believed to vary with the susceptibility of the individual. It may be less than 1000 bacterium in the immuno-compromised individual. Entry, Multiplication, and Spread: L. monocytogenes initially gains access to the body through the gastrointestinal tract but is capable of infecting the blood through monocytes, macrophages and polymorphonuclear leukocytes. The bacterium is also capable of infe... ...s system involvement, the elderly and in persons with other serious medical problems. Worldwide: Approximately 2,500 cases of listeriosis are reported every year in the United States. This includes 500 preventable deaths. L. monocytogenes outbreaks are still occurring worldwide. Recently, in 2002 contaminated turkey deli meat caused a US outbreak along the east coast and contaminated cheese caused an outbreak in British Columbia. Outbreaks over the past twenty years have involved contaminated chocolate milk, shrimp, lunchmeats, and cheese. A California outbreak in 1985 was due to contaminated Mexican-style cheese. This outbreak led to numerous stillbirths resulting in the monitoring of cheeses by the FDA. Fortunately, according to a study done by The US Department of Health and Human Services, infections with L. monocytogenes have decreased 35 % from 1996 to 2002.

A Game of Thrones Chapter Thirty-nine

Eddard He dreamt an old dream, of three knights in white cloaks, and a tower long fallen, and Lyanna in her bed of blood. In the dream his friends rode with him, as they had in life. Proud Martyn Cassel, Jory's father; faithful Theo Wull; Ethan Glover, who had been Brandon's squire; Ser Mark Ryswell, soft of speech and gentle of heart; the crannogman, Howland Reed; Lord Dustin on his great red stallion. Ned had known their faces as well as he knew his own once, but the years leech at a man's memories, even those he has vowed never to forget. In the dream they were only shadows, grey wraiths on horses made of mist. They were seven, facing three. In the dream as it had been in life. Yet these were no ordinary three. They waited before the round tower, the red mountains of Dorne at their backs, their white cloaks blowing in the wind. And these were no shadows; their faces burned clear, even now. Ser Arthur Dayne, the Sword of the Morning, had a sad smile on his lips. The hilt of the greatsword Dawn poked up over his right shoulder. Ser Oswell Whent was on one knee, sharpening his blade with a whetstone. Across his white-enameled helm, the black bat of his House spread its wings. Between them stood fierce old Ser Gerold Hightower, the White Bull, Lord Commander of the Kingsguard. â€Å"I looked for you on the Trident,† Ned said to them. â€Å"We were not there,† Ser Gerold answered. â€Å"Woe to the Usurper if we had been,† said Ser Oswell. â€Å"When King's Landing fell, Ser Jaime slew your king with a golden sword, and I wondered where you were.† â€Å"Far away,† Ser Gerold said, â€Å"or Aerys would yet sit the Iron Throne, and our false brother would burn in seven hells.† â€Å"I came down on Storm's End to lift the siege,† Ned told them, â€Å"and the Lords Tyrell and Redwyne dipped their banners, and all their knights bent the knee to pledge us fealty. I was certain you would be among them.† â€Å"Our knees do not bend easily,† said Ser Arthur Dayne. â€Å"Ser Willem Darry is fled to Dragonstone, with your queen and Prince Viserys. I thought you might have sailed with him.† â€Å"Ser Willem is a good man and true,† said Ser Oswell. â€Å"But not of the Kingsguard,† Ser Gerold pointed out. â€Å"The Kingsguard does not flee.† â€Å"Then or now,† said Ser Arthur. He donned his helm. â€Å"We swore a vow,† explained old Ser Gerold. Ned's wraiths moved up beside him, with shadow swords in hand. They were seven against three. â€Å"And now it begins,† said Ser Arthur Dayne, the Sword of the Morning. He unsheathed Dawn and held it with both hands. The blade was pale as milkglass, alive with light. â€Å"No,† Ned said with sadness in his voice. â€Å"Now it ends.† As they came together in a rush of steel and shadow, he could hear Lyanna screaming. â€Å"Eddard!† she called. A storm of rose petals blew across a blood-streaked sky, as blue as the eyes of death. â€Å"Lord Eddard,† Lyanna called again. â€Å"I promise,† he whispered. â€Å"Lya, I promise . . . â€Å" â€Å"Lord Eddard,† a man echoed from the dark. Groaning, Eddard Stark opened his eyes. Moonlight streamed through the tall windows of the Tower of the Hand. â€Å"Lord Eddard?† A shadow stood over the bed. â€Å"How . . . how long?† The sheets were tangled, his leg splinted and plastered. A dull throb of pain shot up his side. â€Å"Six days and seven nights.† The voice was Vayon Poole's. The steward held a cup to Ned's lips. â€Å"Drink, my lord.† â€Å"What . . . ?† â€Å"Only water. Maester Pycelle said you would be thirsty.† Ned drank. His lips were parched and cracked. The water tasted sweet as honey. â€Å"The king left orders,† Vayon Poole told him when the cup was empty. â€Å"He would speak with you, my lord.† â€Å"On the morrow,† Ned said. â€Å"When I am stronger.† He could not face Robert now. The dream had left him weak as a kitten. â€Å"My lord,† Poole said, â€Å"he commanded us to send you to him the moment you opened your eyes.† The steward busied himself lighting a bedside candle. Ned cursed softly. Robert was never known for his patience. â€Å"Tell him I'm too weak to come to him. If he wishes to speak with me, I should be pleased to receive him here. I hope you wake him from a sound sleep. And summon . . . † He was about to say Jory when he remembered. â€Å"Summon the captain of my guard.† Alyn stepped into the bedchamber a few moments after the steward had taken his leave. â€Å"My lord.† â€Å"Poole tells me it has been six days,† Ned said. â€Å"I must know how things stand.† â€Å"The Kingslayer is fled the city,† Alyn told him. â€Å"The talk is he's ridden back to Casterly Rock to join his father. The story of how Lady Catelyn took the Imp is on every lip. I have put on extra guards, if it please you.† â€Å"It does,† Ned assured him. â€Å"My daughters?† â€Å"They have been with you every day, my lord. Sansa prays quietly, but Arya . . . † He hesitated. â€Å"She has not said a word since they brought you back. She is a fierce little thing, my lord. I have never seen such anger in a girl.† â€Å"Whatever happens,† Ned said, â€Å"I want my daughters kept safe. I fear this is only the beginning.† â€Å"No harm will come to them, Lord Eddard,† Alyn said. â€Å"I stake my life on that.† â€Å"Jory and the others . . . â€Å" â€Å"I gave them over to the silent sisters, to be sent north to Winterfell. Jory would want to lie beside his grandfather.† It would have to be his grandfather, for Jory's father was buried far to the south. Martyn Cassel had perished with the rest. Ned had pulled the tower down afterward, and used its bloody stones to build eight cairns upon the ridge. It was said that Rhaegar had named that place the tower of joy, but for Ned it was a bitter memory. They had been seven against three, yet only two had lived to ride away; Eddard Stark himself and the little crannogman, Howland Reed. He did not think it omened well that he should dream that dream again after so many years. â€Å"You've done well, Alyn,† Ned was saying when Vayon Poole returned. The steward bowed low. â€Å"His Grace is without, my lord, and the queen with him.† Ned pushed himself up higher, wincing as his leg trembled with pain. He had not expected Cersei to come. It did not bode well that she had. â€Å"Send them in, and leave us. What we have to say should not go beyond these walls.† Poole withdrew quietly. Robert had taken time to dress. He wore a black velvet doublet with the crowned stag of Baratheon worked upon the breast in golden thread, and a golden mantle with a cloak of black and gold squares. A flagon of wine was in his hand, his face already flushed from drink. Cersei Lannister entered behind him, a jeweled tiara in her hair. â€Å"Your Grace,† Ned said. â€Å"Your pardons. I cannot rise.† â€Å"No matter,† the king said gruffly. â€Å"Some wine? From the Arbor. A good vintage.† â€Å"A small cup,† Ned said. â€Å"My head is still heavy from the milk of the poppy.† â€Å"A man in your place should count himself fortunate that his head is still on his shoulders,† the queen declared. â€Å"Quiet, woman,† Robert snapped. He brought Ned a cup of wine. â€Å"Does the leg still pain you?† â€Å"Some,† Ned said. His head was swimming, but it would not do to admit to weakness in front of the queen. â€Å"Pycelle swears it will heal clean.† Robert frowned. â€Å"I take it you know what Catelyn has done?† â€Å"I do.† Ned took a small swallow of wine. â€Å"My lady wife is blameless, Your Grace. All she did she did at my command.† â€Å"I am not pleased, Ned,† Robert grumbled. â€Å"By what right do you dare lay hands on my blood?† Cersei demanded. â€Å"Who do you think you are?† â€Å"The Hand of the King,† Ned told her with icy courtesy. â€Å"Charged by your own lord husband to keep the king's peace and enforce the king's justice.† â€Å"You were the Hand,† Cersei began, â€Å"but now—† â€Å"Silence!† the king roared. â€Å"You asked him a question and he answered it.† Cersei subsided, cold with anger, and Robert turned back to Ned. â€Å"Keep the king's peace, you say. Is this how you keep my peace, Ned? Seven men are dead . . . â€Å" â€Å"Eight,† the queen corrected. â€Å"Tregar died this morning, of the blow Lord Stark gave him.† â€Å"Abductions on the kingsroad and drunken slaughter in my streets,† the king said. â€Å"I will not have it, Ned.† â€Å"Catelyn had good reason for taking the Imp—† â€Å"I said, I will not have it! To hell with her reasons. You will command her to release the dwarf at once, and you will make your peace with Jaime.† â€Å"Three of my men were butchered before my eyes, because Jaime Lannister wished to chasten me. Am I to forget that?† â€Å"My brother was not the cause of this quarrel,† Cersei told the king. â€Å"Lord Stark was returning drunk from a brothel. His men attacked Jaime and his guards, even as his wife attacked Tyrion on the kingsroad.† â€Å"You know me better than that, Robert,† Ned said. â€Å"Ask Lord Baelish if you doubt me. He was there.† â€Å"I've talked to Littlefinger,† Robert said. â€Å"He claims he rode off to bring the gold cloaks before the fighting began, but he admits you were returning from some whorehouse.† â€Å"Some whorehouse? Damn your eyes, Robert, I went there to have a look at your daughter! Her mother has named her Barra. She looks like that first girl you fathered, when we were boys together in the Vale.† He watched the queen as he spoke; her face was a mask, still and pale, betraying nothing. Robert flushed. â€Å"Barra,† he grumbled. â€Å"Is that supposed to please me? Damn the girl. I thought she had more sense.† â€Å"She cannot be more than fifteen, and a whore, and you thought she had sense?† Ned said, incredulous. His leg was beginning to pain him sorely. It was hard to keep his temper. â€Å"The fool child is in love with you, Robert.† The king glanced at Cersei. â€Å"This is no fit subject for the queen's ears.† â€Å"Her Grace will have no liking for anything I have to say,† Ned replied. â€Å"I am told the Kingslayer has fled the city. Give me leave to bring him back to justice.† The king swirled the wine in his cup, brooding. He took a swallow. â€Å"No,† he said. â€Å"I want no more of this. Jaime slew three of your men, and you five of his. Now it ends.† â€Å"Is that your notion of justice?† Ned flared. â€Å"If so, I am pleased that I am no longer your Hand.† The queen looked to her husband. â€Å"If any man had dared speak to a Targaryen as he has spoken to you—† â€Å"Do you take me for Aerys?† Robert interrupted. â€Å"I took you for a king. Jaime and Tyrion are your own brothers, by all the laws of marriage and the bonds we share. The Starks have driven off the one and seized the other. This man dishonors you with every breath he takes, and yet you stand there meekly, asking if his leg pains him and would he like some wine.† Robert's face was dark with anger. â€Å"How many times must I tell you to hold your tongue, woman?† Cersei's face was a study in contempt. â€Å"What a jape the gods have made of us two,† she said. â€Å"By all rights, you ought to be in skirts and me in mail.† Purple with rage, the king lashed out, a vicious backhand blow to the side of the head. She stumbled against the table and fell hard, yet Cersei Lannister did not cry out. Her slender fingers brushed her cheek, where the pale smooth skin was already reddening. On the morrow the bruise would cover half her face. â€Å"I shall wear this as a badge of honor,† she announced. â€Å"Wear it in silence, or I'll honor you again,† Robert vowed. He shouted for a guard. Ser Meryn Trant stepped into the room, tall and somber in his white armor. â€Å"The queen is tired. See her to her bedchamber.† The knight helped Cersei to her feet and led her out without a word. Robert reached for the flagon and refilled his cup. â€Å"You see what she does to me, Ned.† The king seated himself, cradling his wine cup. â€Å"My loving wife. The mother of my children.† The rage was gone from him now; in his eyes Ned saw something sad and scared. â€Å"I should not have hit her. That was not . . . that was not kingly.† He stared down at his hands, as if he did not quite know what they were. â€Å"I was always strong . . . no one could stand before me, no one. How do you fight someone if you can't hit them?† Confused, the king shook his head. â€Å"Rhaegar . . . Rhaegar won, damn him. I killed him, Ned, I drove the spike right through that black armor into his black heart, and he died at my feet. They made up songs about it. Yet somehow he still won. He has Lyanna now, and I have her.† The king drained his cup. â€Å"Your Grace,† Ned Stark said, â€Å"we must talk . . . â€Å" Robert pressed his fingertips against his temples. â€Å"I am sick unto death of talk. On the morrow I'm going to the kingswood to hunt. Whatever you have to say can wait until I return.† â€Å"If the gods are good, I shall not be here on your return. You commanded me to return to Winterfell, remember?† Robert stood up, grasping one of the bedposts to steady himself. â€Å"The gods are seldom good, Ned. Here, this is yours.† He pulled the heavy silver hand clasp from a pocket in the lining of his cloak and tossed it on the bed. â€Å"Like it or not, you are my Hand, damn you. I forbid you to leave.† Ned picked up the silver clasp. He was being given no choice, it seemed. His leg throbbed, and he felt as helpless as a child. â€Å"The Targaryen girl—† The king groaned. â€Å"Seven hells, don't start with her again. That's done, I'll hear no more of it.† â€Å"Why would you want me as your Hand, if you refuse to listen to my counsel?† â€Å"Why?† Robert laughed. â€Å"Why not? Someone has to rule this damnable kingdom. Put on the badge, Ned. It suits you. And if you ever throw it in my face again, I swear to you, I'll pin the damned thing on Jaime Lannister.†

A Desert Journey Kokology

A Desert Journey Waiting can be a special form of torture, worse than any momentary pain. The combination of frustration and boredom can send even the bravest heart into a state of panic. Our first journey will bring us face to face with the infinite. Take a moment to prepare yourself, and eternal desert†¦ 1. You are riding a camel across the vast and empty expanse of a seemingly endless dessert. You have ridden until you are near exhaustion. What words would you say to the camel that has carried you all the way? 2. Just at the point you thought you’d die of thirst, a beautiful oasis appears.But someone has arrived before you. Who is this other traveller? (Use the name of a person you know. ) 3. Time passes slowly in the desert, and it feels like an eternity before the lights of a town appear on the horizon. You have finally reached your destination. What are your feelings as you come to your journey’s end? 4. The time has come to part with the camel you have ridde n for so long. Just as you dismount, a new rider climbs into the saddle to take your place. Who is the new rider? (Name another person in your life. ) Key to a Desert JourneyThe desert and camel theme symbolizes the journey toward personal independence. Specifically, this scenario reveals your feelings about parting with a lover. Your answers show how you might react when the time comes to go your separate ways. 1. The words you spoke to the camel reveal what you might say to yourself when you realize love has been lost. Did you try words of encouragement like â€Å"We’ll make it through somehow! † Or was there a hint of despair — â€Å"We’re lost†¦ this is hopeless†¦ I think we’re going to die out here†? 2. In psychological terms, the oasis symbolizes the key to solving one’s problems.The person you encountered here could be someone who has helped or comforted you in the past or one you might turn to in times of need. 3. Th e town at journey’s end stands for the order restored to your emotions once you’ve recovered from your broken heart. Your feelings upon reaching the town are your true feeling about finally getting over a lost love. 4. The new rider is a person toward whom you feel a secret rivalry, jealousy, or resentment. Is the person you named a rival in love or maybe someone who once broke your heart?

Significance of Words Dying and Death in To Build Essays

Significance of Words Dying and Death in To Build Essays Significance of Words Dying and Death in To Build a Fire Dying and Death in To Build a Fire Modern Lit. Paper Significance of Words Dying and Death in "To Build a Fire" Dying and Death in "To Build a Fire" The significance of the words "dying and death" in Jack London's 1910 novel, "To Build a Fire" continuously expresses the man's dwindling warmth and bad luck in his journey along the Yukon trail to meet "the boys" at camp. London associates dying with the man's diminishing ability to stay warm in the frigid Alaskan climate. The main characters predicament slowly worsens one level at a time finally resulting in death. The narrator informs the reader "the man" lacks personal experience travelling in the Yukon terrain. The old-timer warned the man about the harsh realities of the Klondike. The confident main character thinks of the old-timer at Sulphur Creek as "womanish." Along the trail, "the man" falls into a hidden spring and attempts to build a fire to dry his socks and warm himself. With his wet feet quickly growing numb, he realizes he has only one chance to successfully build a fire or face the harsh realities of the Yukon at one-hundred nine degrees below freezing. Falling snow from a tree blots out the fire and the character realizes "he had just heard his own sentence of death." Jack London introduces death to the reader in this scene. The man realizes "a second fire must be built without fail." The man's mind begins to run wild with thoughts of insecurity and death when the second fire fails. He recollects the story of a man who kills a steer to stay warm and envisions himself killing his dog and crawling into the carcass to warm up so he can build a fire to save himself. London writes, "a certain fear of death, dull and oppressive, came to him." As the man slowly freezes, he realizes he is in serious trouble and can no longer make excuses for himself. Acknowledging he "would never get to the camp and would soon be stiff and dead," he tries to clear this morbid thought from his mind by running down the trail in a last ditch effort to pump blood through his extremities. The climax of the story describes "the man" picturing "his body completely frozen on the trail." He falls into the snow thinking, "he is bound to freeze anyway and freezing was not as bad as people thought. There were a lot worse ways to die." The man drowsed off into "the most comfortable and satisfying sleep he had ever known." The dog looked on creeping closer, filling his nostrils with the "scent of death." London's portrayal of the man does not initially give the reader the theme of dying, but slowly develops the theme as the story develops. The story doesn't mention death until the last several pages. The main character changes from an enthusiastic pioneer to a sad and desperate man. The conclusion of the story portrays the man accepting his fate and understands the old-timer at Sulphur Creek had been right; "no man must travel alone in the Klondike after fifty below." Typically, short stories written in the early 1900's often conclude the story with a death or tragedy. London's story is no exception. This story follows the pattern by illustrating events leading up to and including death. Thesis Statement- The significance of the words "dying and death" in Jack London's 1910 novel, "To Build a Fire" continuously expresses the man's dwindling warmth and bad luck in his journey along the Yukon trail to meet "the boys" at camp.

The Ancient Mayan City of Mayapan

The Ancient Mayan City of Mayapan Mayapan was a Maya city which thrived during the Postclassic Period. It’s located in the heart of Mexico’s Yucatan Peninsula, not far to the southeast of the city of Merida. The ruined city is now an archaeological site, open to the public and popular with tourists. The ruins are known for the imposing circular tower of the Observatory and the Castle of Kukulcan, an impressive pyramid. History According to legend Mayapan, was founded by the great ruler Kukulcan in 1250 A.D. following the decline of the mighty city of Chichen Itza. The city rose to prominence in the northern section of the Maya lands after the great city-states in the south (such as Tikal and Calakmul) had gone into steep decline. During the late Postclassic Era (1250-1450 A.D.), Mayapan was the cultural and political center of the waning Maya civilization and had great influence upon the smaller city-states that surrounded it. During the height of its power, the city was home to approximately 12,000 inhabitants. The city was destroyed and abandoned in about 1450 A.D. The Ruins The ruin complex at Mayapan is a sprawling collection of buildings, temples, palaces, and ceremonial centers. There are about 4,000 buildings spread out over an area of about four square kilometers. The architectural influence of Chichen Itza is plainly evident in the impressive buildings and structures at Mayapan. The central plaza is of the greatest interest to historians and visitors: it is home to the Observatory, the Palace of Kukulcan and the Temple of the Painted Niches. The Observatory The most striking building at Mayapan is the circular tower of the observatory. The Maya were talented astronomers. They were particularly obsessed with the movements of Venus and other planets, as they believed they were Gods going back and forth from the Earth to the underworld and the celestial planes. The circular tower is built on a base which was divided into two semi-circular areas. During the citys heyday, these rooms were covered in stucco and painted. The Castle of Kukulcan Known to archaeologists simply as â€Å"structure Q162,† this impressive pyramid dominates Mayapan’s central plaza. It is likely an imitation of the very similar Temple of Kukulcan at Chichen Itza. It has nine tiers and stands about 15 meters (50 feet) tall. Part of the temple collapsed at some point in the past, revealing an older, smaller structure within. At the foot of the Castle is â€Å"Structure Q161,† also known as the Room of the Frescoes. There are several painted murals there: a precious collection, considering those very few examples of painted Mayan art remain. The Temple of Painted Niches Forming a triangle across the main plaza with the Observatory and Kukulcan’s Castle, the Temple of Painted Niches is home to more painted murals. The murals here show five temples, which are painted around five niches. The niches symbolize the entrance to each of the painted temples. Archaeology at Mayapan The first account of foreign visitors to the ruins was the 1841 expedition of John L. Stephens and Frederick Catherwood, who took a cursory look at many ruins including Mayapan. Other early visitors included noted Mayanist Sylvanus Morley. The Carnegie Institution launched an investigation of the site in the late 1930s which resulted in some mapping and excavations. Important work was done in the 1950s under the direction of Harry E.D. Pollock. Current Projects Much work is currently being done at the site: most of it is under the direction of the PEMY (Proyecto Economico de Mayapan) institution, supported by several organizations including the National Geographic Society and SUNY Albany. Mexico’s National Anthropology and History Institute has also done much work there, especially restoring some of the more important structures for tourism. Importance of Mayapan Mayapan was a very important city during the final centuries of the Maya civilization. Founded just as the great city-states of the Maya Classic Era were dying in the south, first Chichen Itza and then Mayapan stepped into the void and became the standard-bearers of the once-mighty Maya Empire. Mayapan was a political, economic and ceremonial hub for the Yucatan. The city of Mayapan is of particular importance to researchers, as it is believed that one or more of the four remaining Maya codices may well have originated there. Visiting the Ruins A visit to the city of Mayapan makes for a great day trip from Merida, which is less than an hour away. Its open daily and theres plenty of parking. A guide is recommended. Sources: Mayapan Archaeology, The University of Albanys Informative Website Mayapan, Yucatan. Arqueologia Mexicana, Edicion Especial 21 (September 2006). McKillop, Heather. The Ancient Maya: New Perspectives. New York: Norton, 2004.

Management accounting Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words - 4

Management accounting - Essay Example Material L10 had a favorable usage variance because the materials used were of higher quality than standard, more effective use of material or there were errors in allocating material to jobs. On the other hand, material L17 had an adverse usage variance because of using defective material, excessive waste, or stricter quality control. The labour rate recorded a favorable variance due to use of workers at a rate of pay that was lower than the standard. Labour efficiency variance was adverse because maybe there was lost time in excess of standard allowed or output was lower than standard set due to lack of training and sub-standard materials. The adverse variable overhead expenditure could have been caused by increase in cost of services or excessive use of services. Variable overhead volume variance was adverse due to the production or the level of activity, labour hours, being less than the budgeted. On the other hand, the adverse fixed overhead expenditure could be caused by the same factors that led to an adverse variable overhead expenditure. This is because of the fact that both fixed and variable overheads were being allocated using the same basis, labour hours. In addition, the production or the level of activity being less than the budgeted can explain the adverse fixed overhead capacity. ABC involves identification of elements, causing the costs of a business’s major activities (Clinton, 2004). Overheads incurred are charged to units based on their cost drivers causing the overheads. The ideas behind ABC are: Both traditional absorption costing and activity base costing systems adopt the two-stage allocation process. However, in allocation of overheads ABC establishes separate pools for support activities such as dispatching (Gunther, 2005). As costs of activities are assigned directly to products through cost driver rates, reapportionment of services department costs is